Brings New Meaning To "Dogtown"
After those two rather heavy posts, how about something a little lighter as a change of pace?
You wouldn't know it from the images of the rather sober-looking fellow who graces this site's photo section, but I used to be a very enthusiastic skateboarder in my youth (I even contributed a couple of items to Thrasher magazine in its very early pulpy underground days). But my boarding skills were no match to this young fellow's.
Los Atheists Update
One more from Collyvvvvvvornia, as Gov. Schwarzenegger pronounces it. Last June, we looked at the ACLU's efforts to remove the tiny cross from Los Angeles' county seal, an effort that L.A.'s city council was only to happy to oblige.
In contrast, The Wall Street Journal notes that James Hahn, the city's liberal mayor, is using the issue as a bulwark against his opponent in an upcoming mayorial primary--which makes sense: his late father, long time Los Angeles County Supervisor Kenneth Hahn helped design the logo back in 1957:
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The mayor recalls his dad describing the old seal as "a bunch of grapes he thought was boring." By remaking it, the elder Hahn chose to depict two landmarks, the Hollywood Bowl amphitheater and a nearby hillside cross. And to represent the half-rural but growing county, he chose images of oil wells, a fish, a cow and engineers' calipers, all arranged around an image of Pomona, a pagan goddess.
For decades, the emblem went unremarked upon--a mishmash of Southern California iconography endlessly reproduced on county business cards, stationery and buildings. But the local ACLU was irked by the cross, even if it was too small to be identified on county business cards without a magnifying glass. Last year it fired off a letter to the County Board of Supervisors, saying the cross threatened the separation of church and state. (It had no quarrel with the pagan goddess.)
Huge crowds attended a June hearing at which the five elected members of the Board of Supervisors made their decision. Christians and non-Christians alike argued that the cross was a historical symbol, representing the hillside cross in Hollywood as well as the settlement of the area by Spanish missionaries. Yet the Democratic-dominated board voted to remove it, replacing it with a Spanish mission so sanitized that it looks like a suburban home. The board jettisoned Pomona too, replacing her with a Native American.
Though the legal threat got resolved, the political issue did not. The county board became the butt of jokes. Talk radio had a field day. Opinion polls favored the cross. Now, with Mr. Hahn facing a stiff primary challenge on May 17 from rival City Councilman Antonio Villaraigosa, the cross beckons again.
Lagging in polls, the liberal-to-moderate mayor must win black voters, who tend toward the religious and who helped elect him in large part due to his father's legacy. Black voters are angry that Mr. Hahn ousted black Police Chief Bernard Parks amid a morale crisis in Mr. Parks's department, so they are migrating to Mr. Villaraigosa. To win, Mr. Hahn must also invigorate Republicans and moderate San Fernando Valley voters, neither of whom are natural allies of Mr. Villaraigosa, a former union organizer and past leader of the local ACLU.
On April 18, Mr. Hahn endorsed a countywide petition drive that would let residents vote in 2006 on reinstating the cross. He signed a similar petition after the county board refused to put the question before voters, but that drive fizzled for lack of funds. It has more steam now. "Many conservatives weren't even going to vote [in the mayoral race]," Republican activist Davis Hernandez says, "but now they are. Here's the son of the man who designed the seal, running against a former president of the ACLU, that pushed to remove the seal. I keep saying you can't make this stuff up."
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Mr. Villaraigosa had no part in removing the cross. But Mr. Hahn enjoys playing up his rival's former ACLU leadership, and not only because of the cross controversy. While at the ACLU, Mr. Villaraigosa spoke on behalf of the rights of gang members and opposed gang injunctions--a crime-fighting tactic effectively employed by Mr. Hahn during his long stint as city attorney for Los Angeles before he became mayor in 2001.
Whatever the campaign advantages, Mr. Hahn says that he doesn't like politicians revising history. "Religious freedom is part of our country--you can't obliterate that," says Mr. Hahn, noting that the cross and the Hollywood Bowl stand together on the seal as they have in L.A. for decades. "You can't deny the history of the county." Besides, he notes, his father "didn't have a divisive bone in his body, and he'd be amazed that there was any controversy over the county seal." Most liberal politicians from the 1950s and '60s would be surprised at just how far to the left their party traveled after 1972. And as Hahn's battle indicates, it's tough to go wrong attacking the ACLU--no matter what your party. « Close It
That's Why They Call It The Left Coast
Charles Johnson spots a San Francisco Chronicle article praising a new book written by a self-described Bay Area Marxist-Leninist. And last month, we linked, in fairly short succession, to an L.A. Times article glorifying Sunset Hall, a Los Angeles retirement home for elderly communists and a worshipful editorial on North Korea.
It's just fascinating watching newspapers let the mask slip these days. It's happened in the past of course: the New York Times' Walter Duranty whitewashed Stalin's show trials and his collectivist farming famines out of his coverage--and won a Pulitzer in the process. And the Grey Lady's obit of Stalin is practically necrophilia with a typewriter.
But for the most part, most big city newspapers have, historically, kept this sort of stuff to a minimum, so as not to risk offending a diverse readership. It's curious that articles like those in the Chronicle and L.A. Times keep popping up recently. I can only think that part of the reason is to taunt and tweak bloggers and Bush voters a little bit--or simply to appeal to newspapers' dwindling core audiences as those who don't buy into the left's take on history go elsewhere. Or maybe it's just to keep spirits up in a newsroom that can be a bit gloomy at times.
But geez, talk about revealing your inner self. I mean, I don't lose a whole lot of sleep when a newspaperman tells me that FDR's New Deal programs were the perfect tonic for the Depression--even if in reality, they merely dragged it on and prolonged it until World War II jump-started the American economy. I don't mind the press praising LBJ's Texas-sized equivalents thirty years later, even if they did little to actually end, as it was called back in the 1960s, "the War on Poverty".
I'm just surprised at how far the press has been willing to let it all hang out there recently--of course, based on how they covered the presidential election last year, I probably shouldn't be.
Update: Speaking of the L.A. Times, Patterico catches them selectively editing Reuters wire copy to, as he says, "remove critical facts supporting the U.S. position on an important international issue"--the shooting by US soldiers in Iraq of a car bearing Italian journalist Giuliana Sgrena.
Predicting The 21st Century--in 1980
Back in 1998, as part of their 30th anniversary, Reason looked at numerous books on the future written during those past thirty years, to see who got it right, and who--really--got it wrong. (Paging Mr. Ehrlich, Mr. Paul Ehrlich to the white courtesy phone, please).
I think you could make a pretty good case that Alvin Toffler's 1980 book, The Third Wave was one of the books that got it right. There's a reason why Newt frequently sited it during the heady Contract With America days of 1994 and 1995, and why it still holds up fairly well today. It doesn't hurt that Toffler had already written Future Shock in the late 1960s, which--while still enjoyable--was quickly rendered somewhat dated with its atmosphere of sixties' zeitgeist. Toffler wouldn't make that same mistake again with The Third Wave.
Here are my thoughts on Toffler's book, written for an Electronic House magazine subscribers' newsletter, and reprinted here by permission. (The resource links at the end of the post are also from the original newsletter):
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Getting It Right: The Book That Predicted the Smart Home
Since we're in the first decade of a new millennium, it's always fun to look back at books written many years ago that attempted to predict the future, and see who got it right. Those that tended to be wildly optimistic (Flying cars! Vacations on the moon!) along with those that tended to be wildly pessimistic (Nuclear winter! Massive overpopulation!) usually fell short of the mark.
One book that largely did get it right was Alvin Toffler's "The Third Wave," first published in 1980, and continuously in print since. Toffler actually did a pretty good job of forecasting the smart home and the reasons for it.
Written During Faltering Economy
To understand how significant a leap this was, it helps to remember the economy of the late 1970s: hyperinflation, astronomical interest rates, and rampant unemployment were all features of the era. But Toffler was able to look at why these things were occurring: much of the free world was making the transition from a rustbelt mass-production assembly line economy of heavy manufacturing to a high tech, on-demand, service-oriented economy.
So in 1980, as the American economy was bottoming out, perhaps Toffler would have sounded wildly optimistic even to himself when he predicted the rise, over the next couple of decades, of networked computing, telecommuting, flex-time, the end of the dominance of mass media, standardized mass production replaced with customization, and the smart, automated home.
Welcome To The Electronic Cottage
"The Third Wave" contained a chapter called, "The Electronic Cottage". In the late 1970s, few homes had VCRs, fewer still had a personal computer. Cable TV was still rather rare, and most homes had communications technology scarcely advanced since the mid-1950s: radio, TV, a record player, and a single-line telephone.
What Toffler did was to look at the first microcomputers rolling off the assembly lines at Apple, Commodore and Tandy (who produced the TRS-80), and extrapolated how they would change society the same way the motor did. The first steam-powered machines were enormous locomotives. Then the motor became progressively smaller as it was fitted into cars, powered assembly lines, then air conditioners, and even down to handheld hair driers. Eventually, Toffler deduced, the microchip would be inside not just the computer and pocket calculator, but it would control lights, thermostats, communications, and even coffee makers and microwave ovens.
Today, the average den contains a PC with a broadband Internet connection, a wired or wireless LAN to the rest of the house, multiple phone lines, hundreds of channels of satellite or digital cable, DVDs, CDs, and increasingly, an MP3 server. That's a staggering amount of communications and computing technology, which of course, is only going to increase.
And the introduction of that technology has radically changed society. More and more people work non-standard hours, and/or telecommute from home. Instead of newspapers and television having a monopoly on news and opinion, personal Web sites and Weblogs have created much more of a two-way dialogue between "big media" and the rest of us. And all of these changes are the end result of the fact that we all now do live in some sort of electronic cottage.
Few of these changes could have been predicted 25 years ago, yet Toffler's "The Third Wave" got many details of the future right. If it's not there already, maybe it should be in your smart home's library.
Resource Links
Toffler Associates--Alvin Toffler's consulting firm.
"Discussing War and Anti-War with Alvin Toffler"--My September 2001 interview with Toffler on the initial implications of 9/11.
"Chasing The Long Tail"--My look at how the Internet is radically transforming pop culture.
SmartHome.com--Where to find many of the gadgets that would have been science fiction 25 years ago. « Close It
Lileks on McCain
In his latest Newhouse column, James Lileks writes that conservative base of the Republican party will never forgive Sen. John McCain: Oh, they don't hate him; he has that brash, squinty charm that makes him stand out among the dull lumps of coal heaped in the bin of the Senate. His war record earns respect and gratitude -- so much, in fact, that his detractors feel compelled to wait three or four seconds before rolling out the big, throbbing BUT that invariably precedes discussion of what they really think of McCain nowadays.
He got a pass on campaign reform, aka the George Soros Empowerment Act, since you can't really slam him for something that Dubya inked into law. But siding with the Democrats against reforming Senate rules to allow a vote for the president's judicial nominees? Unforgivable. The ending of Lileks' piece is very much a two-edged sword, however.
For some thoughts on where the GOP as a whole stands, check out Richard Baehr's latest essay over at The American Thinker, found via Betsy Newmark.
Eric Cartman Meets The Fairness Doctrine
In his latest Wall Street Journal "Wonder Land" column, Daniel Henninger combines a look at Brian Anderson's South Park Conservatives and a look back at how the Fairness Doctrine and its repeal shaped the last 50 years of politics:
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Ronald Reagan may not make it to Mount Rushmore for winning the Cold War. But he secured his place in the conservative pantheon for tearing down another wall: the Fairness Doctrine.
The Fairness Doctrine was a federal regulation, dating to 1949, which mandated "contrasting viewpoints" from broadcasters. In reality, the Fairness Doctrine ensured that incumbents got "free" TV coverage across their terms while challengers got crumbs. The Fairness Doctrine was also an early nuclear option: If a local broadcaster's news operation made the local congressman or his party look bad, Washington could threaten to blow up his broadcast license.
Ronald Reagan tore down this wall in 1987 (maybe as spring training for Berlin) and Rush Limbaugh was the first man to proclaim himself liberated from the East Germany of liberal media domination.
It wasn't obvious that conservatives soon would dominate talk radio. Radio programming has always been a soulless decision based on ratings. If programmers thought they could win the drive-time slots with Don Imus reading "Das Kapital," that would be on the air and advertisers would support it. But it's not.
What worked after speech became free in the spectrum ozone was hyper-articulate conservative hosts opening their microphones to millions of hyper-angry conservative voters--not least in such liberal bastions as New York, Boston, and Los Angeles.
In 1994, Newt Gingrich, his Contract With America and the Republicans regained control of the House of Representatives for the first time since 1952--the years in which the Fairness Doctrine largely kept politics off the air. This didn't happen because the Gingrich candidates were getting their message out in the Los Angeles Times or Boston Globe.
The conservative media ascendancy chronicled by Brian Anderson has driven many liberals nuts. The liberal media-advocacy group FAIR wants a new Fairness Doctrine to repair "broadcast abuse." Just months ago, FAIR cited "the immense volume of unanswered conservative opinion heard on the airwaves."
What goes around comes around, I suppose. Conservatives would say they're now using radio, TV and the Web--all of it free from political control--to give as good as they got from the 1960s onward. For years, they claim, liberal managers in broadcasting, journalism, publishing and academia marginalized them. Were conservatives imagining that?
Maybe not. Mr. Anderson cites left-wing philosopher Herbert Marcuse (who taught at Columbia, Harvard and Brandeis) urging liberals back then to practice active "intolerance against movements from the Right" in the name of "liberating tolerance." Thus, for example, liberal academics would vote to deny tenure for conservative colleagues--and still do--believing that this is a morally mandated act. As Henninger writes, "Liberals now marvel at the energy and output of the conservative 'movement'--the talk shows, the think tanks, the blogosphere. No need to wonder; they compressed the rocket fuel for the inevitable explosion". « Close It
So I Say Welcome; Welcome To The Boomtown
Reuters reports that Internet ad revenues are surpassing dotcom boom levels: U.S. Internet advertising surged 33 percent in 2004 to a record $9.6 billion, surpassing levels seen during the early Web boom, and will grow at a similar rate in 2005, according to data released on Thursday.
The figures bolster reports from individual advertisers who say they are moving more of their marketing budgets online as consumers devote more time to the Internet and fewer hours to television and other media.
The data also underscores breakaway earnings results for major Internet media companies and search engines like Yahoo Inc. and Google Inc., as well as the digital divisions of traditional media companies like the New York Times Co.
"Interactive advertising has clearly become a mainstream medium and one that can no longer be ignored," said Greg Stuart, president of the Interactive Advertising Bureau (IAB). Of course, history has already decided that the late 1990s will be remembered as the Internet's boom period, even though ad revenues are growing at a faster rate now then they were back then.
And that trend is not likely to change for the forseeable future: the Internet's demographics have to be far more appealing to media buyers than television, whose viewing demographic is only going to become greyer and greyer.
Videogames Killing The Media Star?
Glenn Reynolds links to this James Pinkerton article from Tech Central Station on Hollywood and videogames. Pinkerton asks, "Why has Hollywood proven to be so far behind the cutting edge of entertainment?"
Glenn responds: Movies encourage passive titillation; videogames encourage active involvement, and often present consequences as well.
And maybe that's Hollywood's problem. A culture built around passive titillation isn't likely to view its audience in ways that facilitate active engagement. The situation also reminds me of something I wrote a couple of years ago for TCS, using Virginia Postrel's model of dynamists and stasists from her late 1990s classic, The Future and its Enemies: " Hollywood Stasists Versus Silicon Valley Dynamists".
Britain's Steady Demise
Disturbing essay by Caroline B. Glick, the deputy managing editor of The Jerusalem Post, on the increasing anti-Semitism of England's elites: Mainly due to Britain’s relationship with the US, Israelis have a tendency to view it as an ally. But the situation on the ground in Britain must force us to reconsider this friendly view. Today Britain manifests the symptoms of a suicidal society. Its elites have been taken over by far-Left bigots who, while purporting to care for the downtrodden, work to perpetuate a situation where the Arab world is wholly controlled by brutes who call for the destruction not only of Israel, but of Britain itself.
Anti-Semitism, which has become pervasive among Britain’s aristocracy, and the chattering classes in the media, culture and academia, is a sign of Britain’s steep and steady slide into nihilistic self-destruction. Their animus towards Israel and towards Jews who refuse to denounce the Jewish state, has nothing to do with Israel and everything to do with them. They are fully aware of the threats posed by the international jihad but rather than fight it they have tried to appease it by at once denying its danger and obsessively embracing Palestinian terrorists and calling for Israel’s destruction. They do this even as the jihadis in their own country make it clear that they are unappeasable.
There is nothing that Israel can do to stem Britain’s decline. All we can do is keep our distance from that self-destructive society which, like a dying lion, can still do us great harm if we let it get close to us. Read the rest.
Update: Welcome readers of Salon's "Dau Report", published by Peter Dau, who was online communications advisor to John Kerry's presidential campaign.
Another Update: Charles Johnson has more.
The Ultimate In Moonbat Convergence
Found via Michelle Malkin, Scott Sala of Slant Point says that Ward Churchill and MEChA (remember them?) have teamed-up, for maximum academic moonbat silliness: Hmmm. Hispanics mad that America took their land. Native Americans mad that America took their land. A match made only in modern American academia. No word yet on whether or not Barbara Bovine will be assigned to cover the story.
Update: More here.
My City Was Gone
Andrew Ferguson writes that "in the great struggle between cities and suburbs, raging now for a century or more, the verdict is finally in: Cities lost. The vast majority of people prefer the ``burbs.'' The long-predicted comeback of the traditional city isn't in the cards": There are lots of obvious reasons for the cities' decline -- the decentralizing effects of telecommunications, the loss of manufacturing jobs, the inconveniences of public transit -- but Kotkin is more appalled by the steps urban planners take in hopes of reversing the decline.
``They think they can revive their cities if they make them `hip and cool,''' he says, referring to the street festivals, cafes, arts fairs, high-end boutiques and other yuppie delights that attract the young and single, the childless and rich.
``But that's not how cities last,'' he says. ``You can't build a long-term civic culture around transient populations.''
What any healthy city requires is a stable base of middle- class families. But the conditions necessary for attracting and keeping families are precisely what city planners ignore.
``They've forgotten the basics,'' Kotkin says. ``Are the schools good? Are the streets clean and safe? It's a lot easier to satisfy the yuppies with no kids than to fix the schools.''
And so city life, once the backbone of civilized social arrangements, devolves into just another ``niche lifestyle.'' Back in the 1960s, Marshall McLuhan once quipped that New York City would eventually become a shopping and Disneyland-style destination. That's already started to happen--and in San Jose, which is far more suburban sprawl that downtown city, there's already one outdoor shopping mall that simulates a few blocks of urban streets--but with 7/8ths less homeless people and drugs.
Much as I love Manhattan, I'd much rather get my dose of city living in small controlled doses, than live in an environment like that all the time.
Google To Buy L.A. Times?
Well, probably not. But Mickey Kaus observes an L.A. Times columnist suggesting that Google or Yahoo--or maybe Google and Yahoo--pony up $15 billion to purchase the badly listing west coast representative of the legacy media.
Mickey lists numerous reasons why that would be a very bad investment for an Internet portal. And, of course, it seems unnecessary to make this prophecy come true.
Nostalgie de la Nam
Yesterday, we mentioned the nostalgia for the past emanating from the left and the press. Nowhere is that more apparent (well, other than at a Creedence Clearwater Revisted concert) than the endless references to Vietnam. In an essay on the 30th anniversary of the fall of Saigon, Jonah Goldberg observes: Since the beginning of the second Iraq war, comparisons, insinuations, allusions to Vietnam have been a near-daily occurrence. Literally thousands upon thousands of articles and editorials make the analogy as though it were actually a novel insight. You get the sense that Earth could be invaded by Klingons and some editorialist would hear "echoes of Vietnam" amid their disruptor blasts.
One is tempted to simply chalk this up to the geezerification of liberal baby boomers who can't shake their nostalgia for the glory days of speaking truth to power. But many of today's younger generation have been Vietnamized as well. This isn't as odd as it might sound. World War I seemed like ancient history before the ink on the armistice was dry. World War II, meanwhile, continues to dominate our imaginations, on the right and left, six decades after it ended. As any historian will tell you, public understanding of WWII has become far more literary than literal. So it is with Vietnam.
There's an enduring myth that Vietnam was a singular evil undone by America's idealistic youth, holding hands and singing songs in one voice for peace. This reflects the ego of baby-boomer liberals more than the facts. Not only did large numbers of young people support the war, but in the annals of unpopular wars, it wasn't that special. In 1968, Sol Tax of the University of Chicago cataloged anti-war activity from the Revolutionary War until the beginning of peace negotiations and found that Vietnam ranked as either the fourth or seventh least-popular war in American history.
Regardless, Vietnam is part of our cultural DNA now, and it will probably never be fully erased anymore than the Civil War or WWII will be. Right or wrong, silly or legitimate, that's the reality. And that's fine. If people want to argue about the Tet Offensive forever, so be it. But it is history.
But it's not particularly useful history. Ask military experts about the similarities between Vietnam and Iraq (or Afghanistan), and their eyes roll. Vietnam was a state-to-state war and had vastly more support from its Communist benefactors than Iraqi "insurgents" could ever receive from Syria and Iran. Indeed, in Vietnam, the insurgency phase of the war was largely over by 1965. As Jonah writes, there are certainly better comparisons, but they don't flow as immediately from the fingertips of the press into their laptop keyboards: The Spanish-American War, for instance, would probably be a far more fruitful point of comparison for critics of the Bush administration, but that would require they read up on it first. Heh.
"M For Fake"
I didn't intend for the past couple of days to feature run-on posts on the dangers of postmodernism. But that's the theme that runs tacitly through my reviews of Fredrick Taylor's Dresden and Orson Welles' F For Fake. Both works are illustrations, in their own way, of just how pliable reality is--and just how eager some people are to accept those who manipulate it, if they're entertaining enough.
Al Sharpton began his career on the national stage with the Tawana Brawley hoax, and built on that fakery to the point where he ran for the presidential nomination in 2003 and early 2004--and was fetted in the last presidential election by both Al Gore and Bill Bradley.
Michael Moore began his career as a filmmaker with a sham documentary on GM and after a sham documentary on a current American president, and as a result, sat next to a former president last year at the Democratic National Convention.
Moore's ability to manipulate the truth was a key theme in 2004, when both he and and the news media were more than willing to invent, out of whole cloth, entire fictions to first destroy the popularity of, then depose a sitting president. Or surpress reality, if that suited their purpose.
If there's a conservative documentarian interested in a making a film of last year, might I suggest he call it "M For Fake"--since the letter "M" can stand for Michael Moore, the Media--and meshuggah. As James Lileks said, "The past was more malleable than you had ever expected". If there wasn't a Blogosphere around to expose such invention, there wouldn't have been millions of smiling people with purple fingers in the Middle East this year--and the promise, hopefully, of more to join them.
In a 2002 article, Paul Mirengoff of Power Line looked at some of the reasons why so much cheating has gone on in politics during the last decade. I can only wonder what other "M For Fake" moments flew under the media's radar during that time.
Update (6/29/05): This post was expanded into an article for The New Partisan; click here to read it.
Copperheads Then And Now
On September 11th, 2003, we linked to a James Taranto item about the Copperheads, which one reference source described as: in the American Civil War, a reproachful term for those Northerners sympathetic to the South, mostly Democrats outspoken in their opposition to the Lincoln administration. Ironically, that definition comes from the 2001 Columbia Enyclopedia. As James Panero of The New Criterion notes, the school seems to be dusting off the Copperhead tradition and updating it for the 21st century: So many people turned to the accusations of anti-Semitism, ethnic intimidation, and politics trumping academics at an Ivy League School in a liberal voting district. Columbia's president, Lee Bollinger, said as much in his interview with The New York Times a few weeks ago:Although Mr. Bollinger did not comment last night on what the report is likely to say, he said it was "simply preposterous to characterize Columbia as anti-Semitic or as having a hostile climate for Jewish students and faculty." I would argue that it is precisely this assumption of liberal, enlightened behavior that blinds the public to anti-Semitism on Columbia's campus--and to wherever radical professors use the cover of the liberal university to their illiberal advantage. Remember that it took an outside organization, the David Project, to bring Columbia's problems to national attention.
I wouldn't be surprised if it was not this same attitude that set Columbia University up one hundred years ago as the headquarters of racial scholarship regarding the Civil War and Reconstruction. That right--the intellectual apologists of Southern Redemption were based right here in New York City. Professor William Archibald Dunning became Columbia's first Lieber professor of history and political philosophy in 1904. His popular theories of the Reconstruction provided the source materials for, among other things, D. W. Griffith's "Birth of a Nation," and cemented racist ideologies throughout the country for half a century.
From the school of William Archibald Dunning to the school of Edward Said: Columbia University enters the twenty-first century in the same tradition it entered the twentieth. All this, from the heart of New York City. I'm all for keeping traditions from the past when they work--but I'd be happy to see Columbia end its Copperhead phase once and for all.
Orson Welles' Last Movie Arrives On DVD
When Orson Welles completed F For Fake in 1976, he never intended it to become the last film of his to play in movie theaters during in his lifetime. Welles would live for another nine years, but his final days alternated between lucrative voiceover and character actor work, and a constant search to find financial backers to get his own productions released.
After F For Fake, he never did. I'm tempted to write, "sadly", but to a certain extent, Welles had only himself to blame: generally speaking, a director must be bankable--his films must turn a profit--and Welles' films rarely did. As I wrote in an early Blogcritics piece about Welles' first and best film, Citizen Kane: Citizen Kane's inability to turn a profit, coupled with Hearst's actions, ultimately blackballed Welles in Hollywood.
Incidentally, Welles was far from blacklisted--a far, far too loaded a word to describe what happened to his career post-Kane. He worked constantly in movies, both in front of and behind the cameras. He just couldn't come to grips with the seemingly obvious fact that movies have to turn a profit, which means they have to connect with a mass audience. Even Kubrick, the most avant-garde of American directors, knew instinctively that he had to build his films around large, popular themes - nuclear hysteria, outer space, horror, Vietnam, and sex. His one film that didn't have a theme that a large audience could immediately tap into, Barry Lyndon, failed to turn a profit in the US. He wouldn't make that mistake again for the three films he had left in him.) Welles couldn't find a plot or protagonist that a mass audience could bond with. But while Welles never intended F For Fake to be his swan song, it's still quite an interesting film to go out on.
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For one thing, unlike the vast majority of Welles' previous movies, it's a documentary. This long excerpt from a Tuner Classic Movies page on the film is an excellent description of how the film came to be: In the summer of 1968, Spain sent the police to arrest an aristocratic, foppish Hungarian living in a villa on the island of Ibiza. His name was Elmyr de Hory, or at least that was his latest alias. His criminal act was painting art works of great beauty. Normally that wouldn't be a crime but he was in the habit of painting his art in the style of the great masters, forging their signatures onto the paintings, and selling them as newly discovered "masterpieces." Art experts had validated his forgeries as authentic and, since de Hory wasn't talking, there was no telling how many museums had forged Matisses, Picassos and others on their walls.
De Hory spent a couple of months in jail and was exiled for a year. By the time he returned to Ibiza he had gained the attention of two other artists, French filmmaker Francois Reichenbach and an American author who lived on Ibiza, Clifford Irving. Reichenbach began shooting film for a documentary on de Hory while Irving interviewed him. It was Irving who got his work out first as a book called Fake! in 1969. As subsequent events showed, Irving may have learned a bit too much from his subject.
Meanwhile the great director Orson Welles was in Europe trying to get more money from European and Iranian backers for his never-to-be-completed feature The Other Side of the Wind (Gary Graver, one of Welles's cinematographers on F For Fake, is currently planning on completing the film). His bank account way overdrawn after the I.R.S. seized tax payments he'd owed since the late 1940's, Welles was desperate for cash. It was then that he met Reichenbach and saw his footage of interviews with de Hory. He was impressed and volunteered to take over the project of editing the footage into a television program for the BBC.
As Welles was editing the footage, the Clifford Irving story broke. Irving had received an advance of $765,000 from publishers McGraw-Hill for the purported autobiography of long-time recluse Howard Hughes. To prove he was in communication with this titan no one had seen publicly in years, Irving produced documents containing Hughes' signature. Handwriting experts declared the signatures authentic. Of course, just like de Hory's "masterpieces," the signatures were fakes. Hughes, or at least what was presumed to be the voice of Hughes, held a news conference over speakerphone to deny ever speaking to Irving. The phony autobiography became a gigantic media scandal with Time magazine even using a de Hory portrait of Irving on their cover.
Since Reichenbach had also interviewed Irving in his material on de Hory, Welles knew he was making a program that was sure to attract attention. He talked Reichenbach into elevating the TV show into a feature with additional material to be shot under Welles' direction. The result took over a year to edit, although from the resulting film it is obvious that the time was needed. F For Fake is still one of the most daringly edited movies of its time. Unfortunately, by the time it reached theaters in 1976, the scandal was long over and American critics were put off by Welles' play of truth and lies. Or was it art experts in the press standing in defense of their brethren? In any case it was dismissed as a minor film in Welles's later period.
Now, however, F For Fake stands as Welles' last masterpiece, a playful movie essay on the questions that post-modernists were just then beginning to ask. Where does art gain its meaning? Who is the "author" of a work of art and why is that important to the value of art? Years after his death the true worth of this last major work of Orson Welles has finally been recognized, even by art critics. As Doug Pratt wrote in his review of the film a few years ago for The Laser Disc Newsletter, what makes the film work--and allows it to transcend its documentary nature--is Welles' incredible voice: The material is just interesting enough to be worthy of a documentary presentation, and that is all Welles needs to put on a grand performance. He uses his most manipulative voice, not the Jehovah intonations which one is normally familiar with (selling wine before its time and the like), but his radio voice, which, through unnatural pauses and changes in pitch, pulls your whole head into the speaker with him. The makeshift visuals cannot be dismissed either, as there will often be a clever transition between one piece of film and the next. Like the work of Picasso and the other artists discussed in the film, the movie may have the look of having been thrown together, but it was guided by the instincts and strengths of a master. The new DVD version of F For Fake includes a newly mastered video transfer, about which Criterion, who produced the disc, says: F For Fake is presented in its original aspect ratio of 1.66:1. On standard 4:3 televisions, the image will appear letterboxed. On standard and widescreen televisions, black bars may also be visible on the left and right to maintain the proper screen format. Assistant editor Dominique Engerer supervised this new high-definition digital transfer, which was created on a Spirit Datacine from a 35mm interpositive. Thousands of instances of dirt, debris, and scratches were removed using the MTI Digital Restoration System. To maintain optimal image quality through the compression process, the picture on this dual-layer DVD-9 was encoded at the highest-possible bit rate for the quantity of materials included.
The soundtrack was mastered at 24-bit from the 35mm magnetic master, and audio restoration tools were used to reduce clicks, pops, hiss, and crackle. The Dolby Digital 1.0 signal will be directed to the center channel on 5.1-channel sound systems, but some viewers may prefer to switch to two-channel playback for a wider dispersal of the mono sound. It also contains a separate disc full of bonus features:
Video Introduction by director Peter Bogdanovich
Audio commentary featuring Oja Kodar and Gary Graver
Orson Welles: One-Man Band (1988), an hour-long investigation of Welles's unfinished projects
Almost True, a 1992 Norwegian Film Institute documentary on Elmyr de Hory
A 2000 Sixty Minutes interview with Clifford Irving, about his Howard Hughes autobiography hoax
A 1972 Howard Hughes press conference exposing Irving's hoax
10-minute trailer
New essay by critic Jonathan Rosenbaum
Welles completists will no doubt flock to F For Fake. But it's a remarkably ingratiating film even to those who are often put off by the rococo excesses of some of Welles' later dramas. And to borrow from the title of another of his documentaries, it's all true. Well, some of it, anyhow.
Maybe.
Update: As I explain in a later post, in many ways F For Fake anticipated such well known celebrity charlatans as Michael Moore and Al Sharpton. « Close It
They Shoot Newspapers, Don't They?
Danger! Violent, potentially mellow-harshening metaphors ahead: Hugh Hewitt buries the Los Angeles Times in a speech to the L. A. Press Club. Meanwhile, fellow southern California resident Burt Prelutsky writes, "If The Times Were A Horse, They’d Shoot It".
Speaking of mellows being harshed, Tim Porter writes on "The Mood of the Newsroom": The amount of anger and hostility, of distrust and suspicion, of inertia and ennui that pollutes the journalistic environment in these newsrooms at first surprised me. Now, when I first step into another newspaper I only wonder how long it will take to surface.
Initially, before the realization grew within me that the negativism was not sporadic but pervasive, I tempered my perception of it with the desires I heard from so many journalists to do good work, to chase on still after the dreams that drew them into reporting or photography - speaking truth to power, afflicting the comfortable and comforting the afflicted, and, of course, the byline.
After a time, though, I came to see that many of these journalists, and not just those swimming in my end of the generational pool, used these nostalgic desires as substitutes for the actual passion and energy necessary to achieve their journalistic dreams in today's new world of news media. In other words, their notion of "doing good work" meant doing journalism the way it was done "before," a temporal concept loosely bound in the wrappings of time before cable, before Internet, before loss of authority, a time in which "the paper" was "the news." The bolding is in Tim's original piece (found via the Hugh Hewitt link above). Those last two bolded lines highlight something we've written about a few times here: perhaps surprisingly, nostalgia is more and more a province of the left.
George Meets The Blogosphere
Remember George magazine? The celebrities meet politics magazine that made a huge splash, lasted a couple of years, and then quietly died? Jim Geraghty says that Arianna Huffington's new "celebrity collective blogging" venture "has 'Tina Brown's Talk magazine' or 'John F. Kennedy Jr.'s George magazine' written all over it--and he's preparing to "savor the impending schadenfreude": Let me offer a theory on why blogs took off: Many of the best were written by folks who were either A) professional writers who wanted to write in a non-article or column form (Mickey Kaus, Andrew Sullivan, the Corner gang) B) lawyers/law professors who are used to persuading the public (the Powerline guys, Glenn Reynolds, Volokh, Hugh Hewitt) or C) interesting people who happen to be insightful/funny/great writers (Steven Den Beste, Stephen Green, Amy Welborn).
You notice few of those folks are celebrities in their own right — or at least, they don't already have a format to offer their thoughts/analysis/reporting on a regular basis.
If I want to know what Walter Cronkite thinks, sooner or later some journalism magazine will ask him. Warren Beatty, the millionaire who endorses socialism, can tell me what he thinks in movies or in one of his endless glossy magazine profiles. David Mamet gets whole plays to tell the world what he thinks.
Attention, Arianna: We already know what celebrities think. They're telling us all the time. Large chunks of the mainstream media are devoted to telling us the latest political and philosophical breakthroughs they want to share with the world. I suspect people turn to blogs because they want something different.
This project, in short, adds to an already huge supply, in a market for which the demand is limited... perhaps exhausted. Of course, they can always fall back on this idea if they're looking for additional publicity.
The Bonfire of Jesse's Vanities
Chris Kobin (found via Betsy Newmark) and Michelle Malkin look at Jesse Jackson's Tawana Brawley incident last week.
(For a look at the original Tawana Brawley incident, click here.)
Cats And 101 Dalmatians Living Together
National Review is praising Disneyland. For our take on the park, click here.
For Every Action a Reaction
As we wrote last week, the audience of America's "legacy media" is definitely getting greyer--just check all the ads for Geritol, Depends, Fix-O-Dent, Viagra, Levitra, et al. It's not your father's TV news--it's more like your grandfather's.
Where are the younger viewers going? Right here. Well, not all of them to us of course--but to the Internet as a whole:
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The number of online adults who prefer the Internet as their main source of news has grown by over 35 percent in the last four years, at the expense of television and newspapers, a market research firm said Tuesday.
Currently, more than 26 percent of online adults prefer the Internet for national and international news, compared with 19 percent in 2001, JupiterResearch, a division of Jupitermedia Corp., said.
Consumer surveys also show that althought preferences grow for the Internet, the overall number of online adults using the medium for daily news has remained flat over the last few years, hovering around 50 percent, the research firm said. The number of online adults preferring to use the Internet for local news is also growing, but has yet to exceed 10 percent.
Driving the preference trend are young adults between the ages of 18 and 24. A third of this group prefers the Internet as their primary source of news, while 40 percent prefer TV and 10 percent newspapers. In a recent column, George Will was all over the implications of that last figure.
Update: Glenn Reynolds' latest Tech Central Station column has some interesting and related thoughts on this topic. « Close It
Wow--Speaking of Revisionism and the Middle East...
Thank you to The New York Times for proving the point I was trying to make at the end of my last post--in spades.
Update: Mudville Gazette also looks at the Times' revisionism.
Dresden: Peeling Back Layers of Revisionist History
"Europe is a fortress. But it is a fortress without a roof."-Allied propaganda leaflet dropped en masse on Nazi Germany.
While I was in South Jersey, I stopped in the Moorestown Barnes & Noble, and picked up a copy of Frederick Taylor's 2003 book, Dresden: Tuesday, February 13, 1945. I read through most of it on the plane today.
All in all, it's a magisterial work. Taylor places the city of Dresden not just into the context of World War II, but within the history of Germany, as well as Europe, going back millennia to trace the city's role in history.
Dresden became famous for its role in two overlapping wars: first, as a target of the allies in the waning days of World War II, as the city was bombed by the British and then the US on February 13th, 1945. Of this, history is certain: the bombing leveled the city and left thousands killed.
As Taylor recounts, almost immediately after the city was bombed, Dresden was about to become a pawn in a different war all together: a propaganda war.
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First, Joseph Goebbels added an extra zero on the immediate death toll in German propaganda, to turn an estimate of 20,204 killed into 202,040, in order to rally Germans for one last push before the inevitable downfall.
Then, the Soviet Union captured the city and it became part of communist East Germany, exchanging, as Taylor notes, one totalitarian master for another. And just as Nazi Germany had a skilled propaganda machine, so did the Soviet Union, which were all too happy to use the destruction caused by the allied bombing as a way of inflicting maximum guilt on the free west.
Add to this the role of David Irving, now relatively well known as a Holocaust denier, but in the early 1960s, just making his name as a historian. Arguably, it was his best-selling 1963 book, The Destruction of Dresden, that was most effective in establishing the modern myth of Dresden as an innocent city wrongly incinerated by the Allies in a final punch-drunk show of force late in the war. It served as the basis of a growing method for Germans to deflect their own responsibility for the tens of millions killed by National Socialism by transforming World War II into a sort of massed guilt that attempts to portray American and British actions as equally culpable as the Nazis, much as multiculturalism attempts to argue that no single culture is greater than another. (Japan has tried to use our atomic bomb attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in similar fashion to deflect its own barbarities.)
One by one, Taylor thoroughly demolishes all of the myths that had built up about Dresden. You can't really call it a revisionist book, as Taylor is actually peeling back layer after layer of existing revisionist history about Dresden--and World War II itself. As George Rosie wrote in his fine review of the book for England's Sunday Herald: The bombing of Dresden in February 1945 has passed into popular history as one of the atrocities of the second world war. It is one of those events that seemed to shift the moral ground. The "fire storm" that laid waste Dresden allowed the Nazis to claim the status of victims. Like Hiroshima, it became a symbol of the misuse of military power. And it trailed some chilling questions. Why Dresden? Was it an attempt to eradicate the best of German culture? How many died? Was it 100,000? Was it 200,000? Is it true that the British and the Amer-icans targeted refugees fleeing the city? Did low-flying Mustang fighters really strafe helpless civilians trying to shelter in parks?
Almost certainly not. As Taylor points out, we owe most of our ideas of the raids on Dresden to a handful of books, one of them by the "revisionist" historian David Irving. His account, The Destruction Of Dresden, was first published in 1963, long before he was discredited. Reasonably accurate accounts by German historians were largely ignored and most of the official information about the raids was buried by the communist regime which inherited Dresden in 1945 and was quite happy with western breast-beating over the "atrocity".
But with the collapse of the Berlin wall in 1989, information has been seeping out of that beautiful city on the Elbe and much of it has been scooped up by Taylor. He also talked with many survivors and some British and American flyers who manned the bombers as well as scouring the official archive in London and Washington. Taylor is an assiduous researcher. He paints a picture which, while still terrible, is not quite the apocalyptic one of popular history. And in the process he deflates a number of myths.
One of them is that Dresden was an "innocent" city, a wonderland of art and architecture devoid of any strategic significance. Nothing more than Florence on the Elbe. This is nonsense. Dresden was home to any number of high-tech engineering firms all working flat out to supply Hitler's war machine. One was Carl Zeiss-Jena, the lens-making company which was churning out optics for bomb sights, artillery sights and U-boat periscopes. Many of these factories relied on slave labour from concentration camps. In fact, the Dresden Yearbook for 1942 boasts that the city was "one of the foremost industrial locations of the Reich."
Dresden was also the site of one of the most important railway marshalling yards in eastern Germany. It was a nodal point on the network with hundreds of thousands of troops, guns and tanks being shunted through Dresden on their way to the eastern front. Politically, the city was solidly Nazi. Hitler's visits were met with wild enthusiasm. There was an SS barracks in the suburbs. Hundreds of Hitler's enemies had died on the blade of Dresden's electric-powered guillotine. One way or another, Dresden was a "legitimate" target for the allied bombers (if bombing of any city can be regarded as legitimate).
Ironically perhaps, Dresden's tragedy was not to have been bombed far earlier in the war. If it had been, things might have been different. But for years the city was beyond the reach of allied aircraft. Dresden seems to have been lulled, quite literally, into a false sense of security. As a result it failed to build the kind of deep, air-raid shelters with blast shutters and air-filtration systems which was the norm elsewhere in Germany (and which probably saved millions of lives). Dresdeners made their own arrangements - in basements, cellars, under stairs, where so many were to prove utterly vulnerable to the rain of high explosives and incendiaries. Along the way, Taylor also punctures the myth that the allied bombing efforts of World War II were ineffective, as this passage from his book illustrates: It became fashionable among writers in the postwar period to dismiss city bombing, not only as immoral but also as essentially useless. There seems, however, little doubt that the strategic bombing campaign played a major role in the defeat of Germany (if not perhaps the "knockout" one that Sir Arthur Harris and his supporters dreamed of), and growing evidence that it may even have proved decisive. Early postwar surveys made the mistake of confining cost-benefit analysis to a kind of simple accounting of notionally lost German production. Especially when Speer took over the government's war, industries portfolio and introduced long-overdue efficiency measures (aided by the growing political trend toward a "total war" ideology among more radical Nazi leaders such as Goebbels and Ley), German armaments production continued to increase. This trend continued until the end of 1944, and it was therefore assumed that Allied bombing had been almost entirely ineffective.
More recent studies, especially those of Professor Richard Overy, have taken a broader view and also included the massive financial and material costs involved for the Reich in creating a complex and sophisticated aircraft tracking and air defense system, in rebuilding and relocating industrial and military installations, and in feeding, housing, amid caring for victims of the escalating Allied bombing. This not only took weapons and equipment from the frontline land troops, but also vastly reduced the number of offensive aircraft available on all fronts, especially in Russia. Moreover, while the ever-aggressive Hitler demanded more bombers, the constant need for night and day fighters to keep the Anglo-American bomber fleets away from German cities and factories meant that fighters were always given priority over a new generation of long-distance bombers, which might have enabled the Luftwaffe to take the fight to the enemy. From 1943 Germany was always, as the sporting metaphor goes, "on the back foot" as a result of the strategic bombing campaign.
At the beginning of January 1945 Albert Speer and other leading officials met and summarized the effect of relentless Allied bombing on production during 1944. Germany, they calculated, had produced 35 percent fewer tanks, 31 percent fewer aircraft, and 42 percent fewer trucks than planned. All this was due to intensive Allied bombing of the Reich's industrial centers-which even in cases defined as "precision" would have caused "spillage" (the World War II American euphemism equivalent to the modern "collateral damage") and in others would have been a by-product of area bombing, where civilian casualties were ruthlessly factored in.
On the last day of January 1945 (coincidentally the twelfth anniversary of the Führer's accession to power), Speer sat down and wrote a memorandum to Hitler in which the armaments minister frankly admitted defeat in the struggle to continue supplying German armed forces. "Realistically," he wrote later, "I declared that the war was over in this area of heavy industry and armaments..." The history of America's war in Vietnam has undergone multiple revisions by the left, similar to what Dresden has gone through over the decades in microcosm: Johnson's early efforts in Vietnam enjoyed popular support, until Walter Cronkite transformed an American military victory during the 1968 Tet Offensive into a propaganda coup for the North Vietnamese, beginning a wave of increasing American anger with the war (and ultimately costing Johnson--and Hubert Humphrey--the White House). Then in August of last year, John Kerry cynically transformed the same Vietnam war that he trashed in front of the US Senate in 1971 into the moral underpinning of his entire campaign, causing James Lileks to write "The past was more malleable than you had ever expected": "I defended this country as a young man, and I will defend it as President." [Kerry said at the 2004 Democratic National Convention]
This really intrigues me. I agree that Vietnam was a defense of the United States, inasmuch as we were trying to blunt the advance of Communism. So: only Nixon can go to China. (Only Kirk can go to Chronos, for you Star Trek geeks.) Only Kerry can confirm that Vietnam was a just war. This completely upends conventional wisdom about the Vietnamese war, and requires a certain amount of historical amnesia. Why does this get glossed over? The illegitimacy of the Vietnam war (non-UN approved, after all) is a key doctrine of the Church of the Boomers; to say that service in Vietnam was done in defense of the United States is like announcing that Judas Iscariot was the most faithful of the disciples. Imagine if you were a preacher who attempted such a revision. Imagine your private thrill when everyone in the congregation nodded assent. Which brings us to today. As our own efforts to reform the Middle East are subject to an ongoing propaganda war in the news media and the Blogosphere, and the media simultaneously attempts tries to surpress the very images of the attacks on US soil that started it, Fredrick Taylor's Dresden, enjoyably written and expertly researched, allow us to observe just how fluidly history and propaganda can be intertwined, even in a war as seemingly as black and white as World War II. « Close It
Back In California
Blogging to resume shortly.
Monolithic Multiculturalism
In his "Happy Warrior" backpage column in National Review (subscription required), Mark Steyn writes that multiculturalism has had exactly the opposite impact on culture from its presumed original intentions:
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There used to be an entire category of songs written in “franglais” — “Darling, je vous aime beaucoup / Je ne sais pas what to do,” etc. A lot of foreign songs were convincingly anglicized but many more retained their Continental character and still became monster hits: “La Vie En Rose,” “C’est Si Bon,” “Volare,” “Granada” . . . Their foreignness was their appeal.
All gone now. The allegedly bland white-bread picket-fence Ozzie-and-Harriet 1950s were a non-stop fiesta of diversity compared with the dreary parochialism of American entertainment today. After 30 years of immersion in the virtues of multiculturalism, U.S. popular culture has never been more unicultural. If MGM remade Grand Hotel, they’d set it in Cleveland.
In other words, if “multiculturalism” is intended to impart any facts about other cultures — the capital city of Malaysia; the principal exports of South Africa, apart from Charlize Theron — or even a vague interest in other cultures, then clearly it’s a spectacular failure. So obviously that can’t have been the objective.
To the academy, it was a way of intellectually dignifying what would otherwise be regarded as their psychologically unhealthy cultural self-loathing, and in that sense it’s been spectacularly successful (Ward Churchill et al.). To the political Left, it was embraced as a philosophical escape-hatch from the election results: If all your ideas are unpopular with the majority of people within your jurisdiction, then it makes sense to argue that they’re so universal they need to be introduced transnationally — hence the chatter about U.N.-imposed anti-smoking bans, U.N.-imposed gun control, and no doubt U.N. taxes sooner or later. Few of us would willingly be ruled by an unaccountable, unremovable, unrepresentative club of elite bossy-boots, but multiculturalism gives the racket an appealing fig leaf: One reason it polls better than it should is that if you say “U.N.” to folks they don’t think of Kofi Annan and the Sudanese member of the Human Rights Commission but Audrey Hepburn at a UNESCO gala surrounded by children of many lands — a multicultural rather than a geopolitical image.
But saddest of all are those who drank so much of the multiculti Perrier they began to believe it. For three decades, most Westerners trumpeted as a virtue what was, in fact, a profound weakness. In bragging about the numbers of Sikhs and Muslims, Africans and Arabs adding hitherto unprecedented vibrancy to the restaurant scene in Malmö and Winnipeg, Western governments made multiculturalism an indispensable part of their sense of their own goodness. In reality, Canada and western Europe needed immigrants because of their own terrible combination of unsustainable welfare systems and deathbed demographics. As China and India follow South Korea and Taiwan, and Iraq and Ukraine follow China and India, immigrants will stop coming. One day soon, Europeans may well become the emigrants, deciding there are better opportunities in India and Taiwan: The present trickle out of Holland could become a continent-wide version of American cities’ “white flight.”
Multiculturalism is a meaningless pose for Hollywood, a lucrative fraud for the American academy, a sleight of hand for the political Left. But for much of the advanced world it’s a suicide cult. It would make a great movie — if only there were any bankable foreigners to put in it. For more of Steyn online, check out his Website.
Update: While Mark Steyn traverses the failures of multiculturalism, John O'Sullivan writes that multiculturalism and England's left may be heading towards a schism. « Close It
Putting The Final In "The Final Frontier"
The last episodes of Star Trek: Enterprise are beginning to tick off, one by one, until the series ends for good. I watched the "Mirror, Mirror" homage on Sunday night in the hotel, but I missed the teaser and the opening credits, which sounded like a riot, from everything I read about them in the Blogosphere, including this random sampling:
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IT F***ING ROCKED!!!!
It was a veritable love-fest to the original series. So full of kick-ass references, from a Tholian web to the climax with a Constitution-class starship.
In case you haven't been following, this episode is a return to Star Trek's beloved Mirror universe; a parallel universe populated by all our evil twins.
In this episode, Commander Archer (yup, he's only the first officer) leads a mutiny against Captain Forrest and takes command of the evil Enterprise. Archer has learned from a Tholian slave that the Tholians have captured an Earth ship, from the future AND a parallel universe. Now in command of Enterprise, evil Captain Archer sets a course for the heart of Tholian space to capture this ship....
What I liked:
The opening sequence. We flashback to the events of Star Trek: First Contanct, when First Contact is made. Rather than shaking hands with the Vulcan captain, evil Zephram Cochrane whips out a shotgun and blows away the Vulcan captain, and then proceeds to loot the Vulcan ship.
Evil Hoshi, who is "the captian's woman," meaning she spend the whole episode slinking around in one of those black baby-doll nightgown thingies.
Evil female uniforms have bare midriffs. [Sigh--Ed]
Horribly scarred evil Trip. [It was a really nice little throwaway homage to the fictional "delta rays" that crippled Capt. Pike in the original series' "The Menagerie" episode--Ed] He even modified his Southern accent slightly. Instead of a "Southern gentleman" southern accent, we get a "wife-beating trailer trash" southern accent.
Tholians. We finally see a full-bodied Tholian. CGI rocks.
The Tholian web. Their trademark weapon makes a return appearance. Did I mention CGI rocks?
The climax on board the Defiant.
It rocked it rocked it rocked.
Bring on pt. 2!!! Can't argue with that! Just type "Trek" and "Enterprise" in Technorati for lots and lots and lots more bloggers who have typed similiar thoughts.
Including, the great James Lileks, who says, "this is not your father's Trek. So it's going to be fun": Point is, this was a payoff for longtime fans the likes of which no other show can really do. There’s so much Trek lore built up over the years, but the original show had all primary texts; these last few shows of “Enterprise” are like finding a cave next to the Dead Sea Scrolls with commentary tracks from the original authors. There really isn’t any pop culture parallel to this; very few things lasted this long, had consistent tutelage (for better or worse, alas) and ended by going back to the beginning in a fashion that presumed foreknowledge of the future by the viewers, and withheld it from the characters. Wow. And thanks. And (sob.) I will miss it. As Lileks writes, "It’s all cheese, but such large portions." « Close It
Friendly Faces Everywhere
One more for the road: Orrin Judd interviews Brian Anderson about South Park Conservatives.
(Found, logically enough, via the Brothers Judd.)
Update: Power Line also has an interview with Brian. And just to be a completist, click here for ours.
Another Update: Power Line's interview with Anderson is concluded here.
Speaking of Badly Photographed Blondes
Ann Coulter shouldn't complain too much. Her Time magazine cover photo problems pale in comparision to Farrah Fawcett. As Jerry Seinfeld might say, so what's the deal with Farrah? She's looking absolutely dreadful on Letterman right now. Her plastic surgery looks seriously botched (compare her circa-1998 face with how she looks today); she looks every bit her age (and then some) and sounds like she's swallowed enough quaaludes to fill the warehouse at the end of Raiders of the Lost Ark.
That's enough snark for now. I'm traveling back to California tomorrow; don't expect much, if any blogging in the interim.
Advantage: Ed!
Last week, I went with my first thoughts on the Ann Coulter cover controversy and thought that she and Matt Drudge were trying to crank up the hype machine just a little too much: Matt Drudge and Ann Coulter's attempt to create some sort of controversy over the choice of lens used by Time's photographer to shoot Ann for the Time cover this week seems awfully silly to me.
* * *
I'm all for pointing out errors and lies and bias coming from the mainstream media, but this seems like trying to hype a pretty minor issue to me. Today, Howard Kurtz writes: Drudge later zinged Time by quoting his friend Coulter as saying her cover photo -- in which her legs took up half the page -- was distorted. But Executive Editor Priscilla Painton says Coulter went through the photographer's portfolio in advance: "She has great looks. She has great legs. She has great ankles. All of that was on full display on the cover. Lots of women would kill for that kind of display." I know full well that conservatives have taken lots of potshots from the legacy media--including unflattering photos. But that Time cover didn't seem like one of them.
The Graying of Big Media's Audience
There's no doubt about it: big media's audience is definitely skewing older. Via Power Line, George Will observes: The combined viewership of the network evening newscasts is 28.8 million, down from 52.1 million in 1980. The median age of viewers is 60. Hence the sponsorship of news programming by Metamucil and Fixodent. Perhaps we are entering what David T.Z. Mindich, formerly of CNN, calls "a post-journalism age."
Writing in The Wilson Quarterly, in a section on "the collapse of big media," he rejects the opinion of a CBS official that "time is on our side in that as you get older, you tend to get more interested in the world around you." Mindich cites research showing that "a particular age cohort's reading habits do not change much with time."
Baby boomers who became adults in the 1970s consume less journalism than their parents did. And although in 1972 nearly half of those 18 to 22 read a newspaper every day, now less than a quarter do. In 1972 nearly three-quarters of those 34 to 37 read a paper daily; now only about a third do. This means, Mindich says, "fewer kids are growing up in households in which newspapers matter."
The young are voracious consumers of media, but not of journalism. Sixty-eight percent of children 8 to 18 have televisions in their rooms; 33 percent have computers. And if they could only have one entertainment medium, a third would choose the computer, a quarter would choose television. They carry their media around with them: 79 percent of 8-to-18-year-olds have portable CD, tape or MP3 players. Fifty-five percent have hand-held video game players. Sony's PlayStation Portable, which plays music, games and movies, sold more than 500,000 units in the first two days after its March debut. Brian Anderson, the author of South Park Conservatives agrees. He told me the week before last: Let's consider the media universe. With news and opinion, a lot depends on where people are gravitating for their information, and here the traditional or mainstream media, overwhelmingly liberal in orientation, are losing sway--with astounding rapidity. Writing in the New Yorker recently, the media critic Ken Auletta pointed out something I hadn't noticed: the commercials on the Big Three network newscasts are frequently hawking drugs like Viagra and Mylanta, and the broadcasts themselves often focus on health issues. There's a reason for that emphasis on infirmity: the average age of a network news watcher is now 60; only about 8 percent of viewership is between 18 and 34. Ten years ago, 60 percent of adult Americans regularly tuned in to one of the network newscasts. Now it's only about one in three. And people have lost trust in the mainstream outlets. A Pew Research poll last year found that just 21 percent of its respondents viewed the New York Times as a trustworthy news source--a figure below that of Fox News, it's worth noting.
Americans are increasingly turning to new media to get informed. About 40 percent of Americans now watch cable news broadcasts. One in five Americans, maybe even more, look to political talk radio for knowledge of the world. Around 12 percent--26 million Americans--are now reading political blogs, a medium that didn't really exist a few years ago (and even more are using the Internet more broadly for information). And in the new media, the Right either dominates (as with talk radio and increasingly cable news, where Fox News is the ratings giant) or has at least as much influence as left-of-center sources (as with the Internet and Blogosphere).
Publishing is no longer a liberal preserve--just look at the bestseller list. New York publishing houses, long resistant to conservative ideas and arguments, are falling over themselves to launch right-of-center imprints and sign up conservative authors. Simon & Schuster has just announced former Bush official and pundit Mary Matalin will head up a new conservative line, joining Penguin Books's Sentinel and Doubleday's Crown Forum, both recently launched right-of-center imprints.
All these changes have taken place in just a few years. The oldest of the new media--political talk radio--dates only from the late eighties, after Ronald Reagan's FCC junked the Fairness Doctrine. Fox News has only been around since 1996. The blogs and Internet publishing are of course newer still. Their full impact has yet to be felt. As Will writes: The future of the big media that the young have abandoned is not certain. But do you remember when an automobile manufacturer, desperately seeking young customers, plaintively promised that its cars were "not your father's Oldsmobile"? Do you remember Oldsmobiles? Vaguely. Isn't that what Teddy Kennedy used to drive?
Interpreting The Interpreter
Charles Johnson links to a couple of interesting articles on the new Sean Penn/Nicole Kidman movie. Its producer has been quoted as saying that he "didn't want to encumber the film in politics in any way"--which of course means that it's crawling with politics--Hollywood style.
The Coalition Of The Bribed
Will Collier of VodkaPundit looks at Cordex Petroleum Inc., a Canadian company that Saddam Hussein had invested a million dollars into prior to Operation Iraqi Freedom.
Cordex, incidentally, is listed as one of Canadian Prime Minister Paul Martin's assets.
As Will writes: This illuminates the motivations behind the Canadian Liberal Party's antipathy towards Operation Iraqi Freedom a bit, doesn't it? Then again, I guess when your ideal for governance and policy is Chirac's France, this kind of thing isn't all that suprising. I wonder what other surprises will tumble out of Saddam's old file cabinets.
"Our Lady of the Air Kiss"
This past week, after flying the reasonably friendly skies to the east coast, we linked to Tina Brown's latest column, and compared her thoughts with Rod Dreher's great "The Godless Party" essay from 2003. The Anchoress does a full-frontal fisking of it, and makes a great point, here: There is a lot going on in [Brown's] column - an admission that for the folks on the left the papal election meant nothing more than yet another political defeat. Just as they had deluded themselves on election day (a day on which Kerry’s own pollster predicted a loss by 3% points) to believe that a man who had never actually led the presidential race, who had offered neither real ideas or real military documentation, was definitely going to win the White House back for them, they had decided to believe that somehow the “winner” of the papal elections would be “some youthful cardinal we hadn’t even heard of yet, some charismatic dark horse whom the joyful crowds, so many of them young, would immediately recognize as their own.” The Anchoress says she doesn't know when she's read "a snottier, snobbier, more relentlessly superficial, arrogant and bigoted piece of dreck" than Tina's latest column.
That column is even more fascinating when looked at in the context of last November. Shortly after the election, there were lots of statements emerging from the left that if they're going to have a chance at competing again on a national level, they've got to start taking religion as seriously as they did prior to the Class of '72.
They've had numerous opportunities to do so in the past six months, and little seems to have changed.
Peter Tork Joins The Partridge Family!
Mark Steyn says goodbye, as only he can, to Jumpin' Jim Jeffords with a flashback to 2001: ‘Jim’s a rock star now!’ raved one local politician of the decaff-latte persuasion as Senator Jeffords (R. -- wait a minute, D. -- no, for the moment, allegedly I-Vt.) brushed past and a cheering throng swept us into the packed lobby of the Radisson Hotel (ah, the charms of small-town Vermont country inns). Jim, who normally looks as if someone’s twisting a pineapple up his bottom, seemed eerily relaxed, enjoying his new-found eminence as the world’s most famous obscure senator.
But I don’t think he’s a rock star. He’s more Peter Tork from the Monkees, if you can imagine Peter flouncing off in a huff and joining the Partridge Family. Just over a week ago, Jim Jeffords was an amiable goof, whose three-decade ‘Republican’ voting record read like a guy who’s holding the road map upside down – he voted against Reagan’s tax cut but for Hillary’s health plan, against Clarence Thomas but for partial-birth abortion. This is what we in the media call ‘a force for moderation’. But it took a most immoderate act to secure Jim his place in history: in quitting his party, he’s ended the GOP’s hold on America’s longest continuously held Senate seat – Republican for 140 years. Better yet, he’s brought a dash of Westminster horse-trading, a touch of Italian coalition politics to Washington: for the first time in US history, control of the Senate is passing from one party to another without anything so tiresome as an election. Read the rest, here.
Greetings From The Land of Springsteen
Sorry for the lack of posts these past couple of days. On Friday, Nina and I drove from Washington, DC to south Jersey, where we’re staying at a hotel while visiting my parents.
The night before, we attended the Media Research Center’s Dishonors Awards. I was about to type an extensive recap, but it’s late, I’m fried, and the highlights are all online at the MRC site. So just click on over.
But before I call it a night, it’s probably worth mentioning one element of the show. If the evening had a flaw, it was the lack of mention of the Blogosphere. The evening could have been called "The Dan Rather Show" due to how many 'awards' Captain Dan won--not the least of which was the Quote of the Year. (Guess what it's related to.) But Dan wouldn't have achieved the notoriety he did last year or resigned from the CBS Evening News, if it wasn't for the work of "Buckhead" and the rest of the Freepers, and Charles Johnson of Little Green Footballs. John O'Neill, who accepted the MRC's "Conservatives of the Year" award on behalf of the Swift Boat Vets, mentioned the bloggers and thanked them for helping to advance the Swift Vets' story--and that 15 seconds was pretty much the extent of their coverage.
I'm not sure why there was scant mention of the World of Weblogs--I know the MRC is pretty Internet-savvy. And the Power Line boys were Time magazine's first "Blog of the Year" last year--directly because of their role in advancing Dan's phenomenal knowledge of Microsoft Word. I know libertarian radio talk show host Neal Boortz, who was one of the presenters, has his own Weblog (he blogged about the event before and afterwards). Maybe the MRC was afraid the whole 'Net thing would need too much of a set-up for the somewhat older tilt of the audience. (Although after the awards were handed out and dessert was being served, Nina and I spoke for a few minutes with a 70-something widow who knew all about Hugh Hewitt and InstaPundit, and I'll bet there were plenty more in the audience like her.)
But that's a pretty minor complaint--the rest of the evening was a blast.
More soon, if time permits.
The Godless Party, Revisited
We've linked a few times to some of Tina Brown's classic columns. I still get a kick out of her "more metrosexual approach to foreign relations" line, her reference to 1930s neoconservatives(!), a good 30 or 40 years before there actually were neoconservatives, as well as her "Punk Meets The Godmother" run-in with a waiter who dared question her cocktail party's politics. (Apologies to Pete Townshend for paraphrasing his song title.)
Over at The Corner, Tim Graham highlights her latest report from Fun City: You have to love reading Tina Brown, since her columns for the WashPost seem to confirm what every conservative suspects about the secular elitism of the Manhattan media crowd. See how she puts it today: "For those of us who came to Manhattan precisely because you're guaranteed never to meet anyone who has read the ‘Left Behind’ series, America's much-celebrated spiritual revival can have its trying moments." But you're only guaranteed not to meet those people as long as you remain in the right social circle and keep your hands and legs in the ride at all times. As Rod Dreher mentioned in his terrific essay of a few years ago, " The Godless Party": True story: I once proposed a column on some now-forgotten religious theme to the man who was at the time the city editor of the New York Post. He looked at me like I’d lost my mind. "This is not a religious city," he said, with a straight face. As it happened, the man lived in my neighborhood. To walk to the subway every morning, he had to pass in front of or close to two Catholic churches, an Episcopal church, a synagogue, a mosque, an Assemblies of God Hispanic parish, and an Iglesia Bautista Hispana. Yet this man did not see those places because he does not know anyone who attends them. It’s not that this editor despises religion; it’s that he’s too parochial (pardon the pun) to see what’s right in front of him. There’s a lot of truth in that old line attributed to the New Yorker’s Pauline Kael, who supposedly remarked, in all sincerity, "I don’t understand how Nixon won; I don’t know a soul who voted for him." There's everything in New York City, including religion--too bad Tina's never noticed.
Is The Pope Catholic...?
I know Power Line used that headline yesterday (welcome to their readers, incidentally!), but it makes a great point.
I'm stuck in the American Airlines Admirals' Club in San Jose, which has CNN on the bar's TV set, and I can't help but laugh at how many times the CNN correspondents manage to work the word "conservative" into their coverage of Pope Benedict. The British women who report for CNNi really manage to put a nice evil sneer on the word with their accents.
To them, it's a pejorative. But I'm wondering how many people in America's red states hear the word and think, "Hey, the Pope's conservative...what's the problem?"
Of course, religious coverage from a network who's founder once referred to his employees coming back from Ash Wednesday as "a bunch of Jesus Freaks" as he wondered what "the dirt" on their foreheads already seems a bit suspect.
Hugh Hewitt has some similiar thoughts on the same sort of coverage the new Pope is receiving from newspapers.
Don't Try This At Home, Kids
On the tenth anniversary of the Oklahoma City bombing, Mark Steyn flashes back to his original Spectator column on the subject.
Purely coincidentally, Steyn was in Oklahoma at the time, and weaves together coverage of a flop play opening waaay off-Broadway (JFK: The Musical!) with the bombing of Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building. Through the sheer force of his writing chops, he makes the two disparate stories work remarkably well together.
Update: Speaking of nifty writing chops, James Lileks is in rare form, as he blends thoughts on a new Pope, the tenth anniversary of the Oklahoma bombing...and Scooby Doo Go-Gurt. This line is especially nice: To those who want profound change, consider an outsider’s perspective: the Catholic Church is the National Review of religion. You may live long enough to see it become the Weekly Standard. In your dreams it might become the New Republic. But it’s never going to be the Nation. And if ever it does, it will have roughly the same subscriber base. Just click for the rest.
Gotta Give Credit, Redux
Earlier today, we praised Sam Donaldson for having the courage to admit that nightly network TV news was in big trouble if it remained in its current form.
Those daring bloggers in pajamas jodhpurs, Power Line, have reprinted an industry article written by one of the seemingly few newspapermen who understand that big media is in the midst of a technology-driven sea change. He's Phil Boas, deputy editorial page editor at The Arizona Republic: Here’s what newspaper editors and writers should know about this new Internet phenomenon. Bloggers don’t have much respect for you. You are the "legacy media," the MSM. You’re the Roman Catholic Church to their Martin Luther and his new high-speed cable modem. To Hugh Hewitt (hughhewitt.com), the blogosphere’s leading cheerleader and one of its most polished practitioners, you are Stalingrad in 1944. Your institutions are hollowed out and your walls are scorched.
But of course, Stalingrad held, didn’t it. And that gets me to the second definition of bloggers. They are your light in the tunnel. The newspaper industry has known for a long time that eventually wood pulp would give way to microprocessors. That long-awaited paradigm shift now seems imminent. We may very soon be predominately an electronic medium and that has many print executives on edge.
Newspapers have enjoyed some of the biggest profit margins of any industry for decades and it is unclear if those can hold in a Web-based environment. Moreover, when you no longer need the millions of dollars in capital, the multi-million dollar press, the network of delivery people fanning out across the land, to start a newspaper, the door opens to competition.
If great gobs of capital will no longer separate you from that competition, what will? Information. Or rather, the quality of your information.
We are headed to the Web in a big way and our readers, especially our most engaged readers – the bloggers - are going with us. They are giving us a taste now of what our new environment will be like. They will challenge and cajole us to confront our biases and our mistakes. And if we don’t confront them, they’ll clean our clocks.
They’ll be our competitors and our colleagues and they’ll force us to dig deeper into issues, think harder about them. They’ll show us how to coalesce expertise on a breaking story and drill deeper for the more complete truth. They’re already teaching us today how to own up to our mistakes. You don’t stonewall, as Dan Rather did. You fess up immediately and with full transparency. There’s a lot of garbage on the blogosphere, but there is a high tier where the product is superior and is drawing mass readership. On those blogs, correcting error is part of the culture. Read the rest--this man gets it.
Be Berrrry, Berrrry Qwiet...
There's a Nick Coleman spotting at Jay Rosen's PressThink Blog. Here's the letter that Rosen received from Coleman: Gosh. Do you THINK the press is being de-certified? Which side are you on? I thought that was your game plan. You ripped me last fall without even speaking to me because I had the poor judgment (or maybe the balls) to confront right wing wingnut bloggers who have my newspaper (and most others) in the crosshairs of a constant all-out partisan attack. And they are winning, prof. The Star-Tribune now has hired a by-god certifiable right wing activist and power megaphone. Funny, I haven't seen you make any mention of that yet. Nor do I remember you defending me in December when I criticized the dudes at Powerline, who I called extremists while most of the academic press fakers of the world were bending over to kiss their jodhpurs. By the way, in case you haven't paid attention, many other journalists have since come to the same conclusion. I could cite chapte and verse, but why bother. Some enterprising soul has got to start cranking out "Kiss My Jodhpurs!" T-shirts on Cafe Press.
Incidentally--what is it with blogging critics and clothes references, anyhow?
(Via Coleman's Bete Noir, Power Line.)
Ed Goes Deep into the Belly of the Vast Right Wing Death Machine!
I'll be attending the Media Research Center's Annual Dishonors Awards on Thursday in DC. After the truly bizarre and blatantly slanted election year coverage by the media in 2004, I figured if I was going to attend one of these events, this would be the year to go.
If anybody else is going to be there and would like to meet for a drink before or afterwards, drop me an email.
The O'Cartman Factor
Bill O'Reilly meets South Park Conservatives.
Terrance and Phillip could not be reached for comment.
(Via PoliPundit.)
Welcome Benedict XVI!
Just got back from some errands; Hugh Hewitt sounded pretty excited on his radio show about the ascension of Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, but noted that "Andrew Sullivan is probably going to stroke out". Meanwhile, Glenn Reynolds has a round-up of links (including to Andrew).
Update: Heh.
Donaldson Declares Network News Dead
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